Andrew J. Chapin is a technology entrepreneur specializing in product discovery, a writer, and a member of our White Collar Support group that meets on Zoom on Monday evenings. He can be reached at andrewjchapin.com.
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After you’ve been involved in a legal case, your Google search results may be overwhelming to the point where you wonder if your online reputation will ever recover.
You may have had conversations with search specialists who promise the moon in exchange for an exorbitant fee, or spent serious time watching supposedly-instructional YouTube videos. And on the other side of either of those things, you’re probably still left without solutions.
When I found myself in this position following my arrest in 2020, I leaned on my experience having worked with search engines to drive e-commerce product discovery throughout my career. I knew the good news: there is a lot that you can do to repair and restore your personal search engine results page. And most of these things can be done at no or low cost.
Stay on Social Media
When faced with legal trouble, many individuals instinctively retreat and make their social media profiles private or delete them altogether. However, it is important to resist this urge.
Major search engines consider social media profiles as high-authority websites, prioritizing them in search results – and you want to have control over as many of these high-authority spots on Google’s first and second pages as possible.
At minimum, keep pages on major social platforms like LinkedIn, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Reddit, Pinterest, and TikTok alive but inactive.
Best practice, if you’re able, is to embrace the opportunity to rebuild and shape your online reputation through strategic use of social media. Optimize your profile pages, ensure they are public, and engage actively by reposting news stories or making comments.
Build a Resume Website
Google wants to display search results that contain the most complete information from the highest-authority sources possible. What could be more reputable than a website featuring your biography and resume, straight from the source?
You will need to register your domain and purchase web hosting to host the contents of your website. First, register a domain name that closely resembles your name, or use variations with a middle initial or alternative top-level domains (TLDs). There are many domain registrar services with very little difference between them, though I prefer GoDaddy. A reliable web host like Hostinger should be chosen to store your website files, and the domain should be linked to the web host.
Once you have your domain registered and a host set up, install a content management platform (like WordPress) which will allow you to build the pages on your site. Ensure your website includes a title matching your name or relevant search terms, a brief summary of who you are and what you do, and a rundown of your background. Strategic use of keywords and proper search engine optimization techniques will help your website climb the search result rankings.
Create Content
In addition to your personal website and social media profiles, creating additional content can provide search engines with more relevant information about you. Guest posts on blogs or news sites, YouTube videos, podcasts, or even books can be effective tools for search engine purposes. Google, in particular, tends to prioritize video content, making YouTube an excellent platform to leverage. By providing more content related to your expertise or interests, you increase the chances of occupying valuable space on search engine results pages. Always remember to link your content back to your personal website and social media profiles to establish authority through backlinks.
Remove Your Case from Legal Aggregation Websites
Numerous websites aggregate publicly available legal filings, which search engines often index. Fortunately, most of these websites are willing to de-index your legal content upon request as their mission is providing legal research tools, not destroying your personal reputation.
By contacting these legal aggregators directly, you can make your case invisible to searchers. In a matter of a week or two, you can ensure your case listings on sites like Casetext, Law360, DocketBird, Justia, and CaseMine are invisible to Google, minimizing the negative impact of your legal trouble on your search results.
Remove Outdated Articles
Press releases and news stories can pose a significant concern when it comes to managing your online reputation. While it may be challenging to control or remove published content, there are strategies to address this issue. If the content is outdated, inaccurate, or no longer relevant, you can request removal or amendment directly from the publishing source.
There is no better way than to approach the publisher respectfully, providing a compelling case or legal justification for the removal.
You may find some articles are stubborn and don’t appear to be going anywhere. In instances like these, consider enlisting the services of online reputation management firms who may have relationships with publishers and can advocate on your behalf.
Conclusion
Repairing search results following legal trouble requires a strategic approach to reclaim your online reputation. By staying active on social media, building a personal website, creating additional content, removing your case from legal aggregation websites, and addressing outdated articles, you can gradually repair and restore your search engine results page, just as you gradually repair and restore your life.
For further assistance, read the full guide to online reputation management at Repair My Search: https://repairmysearch.com/how-to-remove-legal-cases-from-search/.
Craig Stanland is a member of our White Collar Support Group that meets on Zoom on Monday evenings. On Monday, June 19, 2023 we will hold our 365th weekly meeting.
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I wanted it to be done.
I don’t know what done actually meant, I just knew I wanted it, and I wanted it more than I wanted anything.
I’m referring to how I felt after I was arrested by the FBI.
I wanted the situation to be over, but I couldn’t see the other side; I had no idea what it looked like, so I just wished it was done.
And I spent quite a bit of time in this limbo of purgatory.
Intellectually I knew my circumstance and sentence had an expiration date, but it felt emotionally infinite.
Sometimes I live in my intellect; most of the time, especially when it’s all-consuming, like the uncertainty of prison and life after prison, I live in the emotional.
I don’t know what shifted, but my mentality shifted ever so slightly, but enough to make a huge difference.
I transformed from wanting to be done to wanting to make it through.
I still didn’t know what the other side looked like, but I desperately wanted to make it there. And this energy was enough to help me move forward, to slowly but surely put one foot in front of the other.
Carrying the wickedly heavy burden of shame, guilt, unworthiness, and inadequacy, a burden so heavy there were more times than I can count that I thought I’d collapse under its weight.
But sometimes all we have, and it’s all I could find, was a burning desire to just make it through.
I don’t know what the energy was that kept me going; maybe it was the desire to actually find out what was on the other side, but I experienced another shift, and this was the shift that changed everything.
It was the moment I understood that the burden I was carrying, the shame, guilt, unworthiness, and inadequacy, contained a gift.
I saw the diamond in the coal.
It was the story of how I carried that burden up to this point and how I’d carry it to the mysterious other side.
Understanding that I could alchemize my journey in a meaningful and vulnerable way that could help someone who’s two steps behind where I am now and desperately wants to be two steps ahead.
My pain could be of service; it had a purpose, and now so did I.
Something extraordinary happened at this moment:
The burden that moments ago was almost crushing me grew lighter.
I took myself out of the equation; I don’t carry the burden for myself; I carry it for others.
And that’s the moment I made it to the other side.
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Craig Stanland is a Reinvention Architect & Mindset Coach, TEDx & Keynote Speaker, and the Best-Selling Author of “Blank Canvas, How I Reinvented My Life After Prison.” He specializes in working with high-achievers who’ve chased success, money, and status in their 1st half, only to find a success-sized hole in their lives. He helps them unleash their full potential, break free from autopilot, draft a new life blueprint, and connect with their Life’s Mission so they can live extraordinary lives with purpose, meaning, and fulfillment. Craig can be reached at [email protected].
Jeff Grant is Co-Founder of both Progressive Prison Ministries Inc. and GrantLaw, PLLC, and host Matt Adams is Co-Chair of Fox Rothschild’s White-Collar Criminal Defense & Regulatory Compliance Practice Group. Thank you Matt Adams and your team at Fox Rothschild LLP for your great warmth and empathy in this open and candid conversation. I don’t think I’ve ever before shared in such detail the depths of my prescription opioid addiction, the wreckage it caused my career, my family and myself, and then my road of redemption through service to others. I hope my story will serve as a beacon of hope to people out there who are suffering in silence.
Jeffrey D. (Jeff) Grant, co-founder of both Progressive Prison Ministries and GrantLaw PLLC, joins Matthew S. Adams on The Presumption of Innocence to share his powerful story of redemption after being disbarred and incarcerated for lying on a post-9/11 SBA loan.
Their discussion shines a light on the darkness of Jeff’s experiences and explains how, by taking responsibility for his actions, he now devotes his life to helping people prosecuted for white-collar crimes.
In May 2021, Jeff’s law license was reinstated by the New York Supreme Court. In August 2022, Jeff celebrated 20 years clean and sober.
Episode 22: Reclaiming Purpose: A Transformative Journey Through Addiction, Rehab and Prison
In a powerful and inspiring episode, Jeff Grant, co-founder of both Progressive Prison Ministries Inc. and GrantLaw, PLLC, joins host Matt Adams, Co-Chair of Fox Rothschild’s White-Collar Criminal Defense & Regulatory Compliance Practice Group, to share his story of redemption. About 25 years ago, Jeff experienced a downward spiral stemming from a prescription opioid addiction that twisted his lucrative legal career into criminal behavior. Despite a successful stint in rehab, he was disbarred and incarcerated for lying on a post-9/11 SBA loan.
This riveting discussion shines a light into the darkness of Jeff’s experiences and explains how, by taking responsibility for his actions, Jeff now devotes his life to helping people prosecuted for white-collar crimes and their families.
Note: This episode contains discussion of substance abuse and attempted suicide.
The New Yorker: Life After White CollarCrime, by Evan Osnos, Aug. 2021: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/08/30/life-after-white-collar-crime
We are a community of individuals, families and groups with white collar justice issues who have a desire to take responsibility for our actions and the wreckage we caused, make amends, and move forward in new way of life centered on hope, care, kindness, compassion, tolerance and empathy. Our experience shows us that many of us are suffering in silence with shame, remorse, and deep regret. Many of us have been stigmatized by our own families and friends, and by our former business relationships. Our goal is to learn, grow and evolve into a new spiritual way of life and to reach out in service to others.
Since 2016, over 650 Fellow Travelers have participated in our White Collar Support Group meetings on Zoom on Mondays at 7 pm ET, 6 pm CT, 5 pm MT, 4 pm PT. On March 6, 2023 we celebrated our 350th weekly meeting. All agree this has been a valuable, important experience in which everyone feels less alone, and gratified in the opportunity to talk about things and share critical, timely information in a safe space only we could understand. Please join us this Monday or sometime soon.
And, we have a 24/7 Slack chat group (especially helpful if you need a friend in the middle of the night), a white collar job and career board, peer and mentoring support, a Tuesday Night Speaker Series open to family and friends, a newsletter, social media channels and our widely-read blog with over ten years of important content, news and events relevant to our community, advocacy initiatives, partnerships with other nonprofits, access to a wide array of resources, and much, much more. All freely offered on a volunteer basis by group members at no cost to you and your family!
Please feel free to contact us and join our community today. We look forward to being with you.
If we lived in a perfect world, Merrick Garland would be an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. When Antonin Scalia passed away on Feb. 13, 2016, President Barack Obama exercised his powers under Article II, Section 2, of the Constitution to nominate Garland to fill the vacancy. However, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell immediately declared the nomination null and void since this was a presidential election year. In conjuring a rule out of thin air, McConnell declared “the American people should have a say in the court’s discretion.”
This was so arbitrary and capricious that it made the infamous Tuck Rule in the 2002 AFC divisional playoff game look like a paragon of transparency. Moreover, McConnell ignored his own rule when President Donald Trump later nominated Amy Coney Barrett to fill the vacancy created when Ruth Bader Ginsburg died. This was truly one of the greatest examples of Congressional hypocrisy as Ginsburg died on Sept. 18, 2020, less than two months before the presidential election. This was much closer to the election than the Garland nomination. Yet, McConnell decided to ignore his own rule much like how the NFL ignored enforcing the Tuck Rule all the thousands of other times a quarterback had fumbled.
The December 16 Memoranda
However, fate sometimes plays an interesting role in life. President Joe Biden nominated Merrick Garland to become Attorney General after his inauguration. A slim majority in the Senate then approved Garland’s nomination. While McConnell may have blocked Garland from taking a seat on the Supreme Court, he may have inadvertently given Garland even more power as a result.
A strong argument can be made that Garland now has more power to shape criminal justice reform as the highest ranking law enforcement officer in the nation than he would have as one of nine Supreme Court justices. We are seeing this happen in real time. On Dec. 16, 2022, Garland issued a pair of memoranda to all federal prosecutors. These simple memoranda have radically reformed how all of the Assistant U.S. Attorneys are to handle criminal justice matters going forward. Let’s take a look at how the Dec. 16 memoranda will alter the criminal justice system, making it more equitable for federal defendants.
Determining Whether to Bring Federal Criminal Charges
The first of the two memoranda covers a number of different topics, including charging, plea deals and sentencing. When it comes to charging a possible defendant, the first memorandum radically departs from Garland’s predecessors in the Trump administration, William Barr and Jeff Sessions. The Trump Attorneys General instructed federal prosecutors to “charge and pursue the most serious, readily provable offense.”
Garland instructs prosecutors that if there is no federal interest in the prosecution or there are non-federal alternatives, then charges should not be pursued. For example, if the alleged crime relates to only a state interest and is being pursued by a state’s attorney or a district attorney, then federal charges should not be pursued. This would end also end the practice of charge-stacking.
In addition, if there is an adequate non-criminal alternative to prosecution, then federal prosecution isn’t warrant. For example, if the SEC is pursuing a civil remedy that will adequately compensate the victims of a securities fraud, while creating diversion to any future violations by the alleged perpetrator. If this is actually followed by the DOJ, it could lead to an end of the piling on phenomena experienced by many federal defendants.
An End to Coercive Indictments
The next instruction may be one of the most radical yet. First, Garland admonishes federal prosecutors not to be influenced by a “person’s race, religion, gender, ethnicity, national origin, or sexual orientation; or political association, activities, or beliefs.” These are all protected classes of people by operation of constitutional law. In addition, prosecutors cannot be guided by personal feelings or their own self-interest. This would seem to be a reaction to complaints that there are too many federal prosecutors looking to make a name for themselves.
Garland also states that “[c]harges may not be filed, nor the option of filing charges raised, simply to exert leverage to induce a plea.” It is not clear if Garland is talking about people being threatened with prosecution themselves. In this practice, prosecutors threaten to pursue additional charges if an individual does not plead guilty. He also could be referring to the common practice of threatening indictments against friends and relatives to coerce a plea. Critics of the DOJ have long cited these practices as going against the interest of justice. Either way, these coercive practices are now effectively being ended by Garland’s work.
Proportionality in Choosing Charges and Sentences
Another major criticism of federal prosecutors has been that they charge defendants with the maximum level of crimes. This was certainly the case under Trump. Further, federal prosecutors have also almost always requested the maximum sentences. This means that they look for the top end of a sentencing guideline. In addition, they often request upward departures from the guidelines formula. The only time they request a downward departure is with a cooperating defendant. Otherwise, federal prosecutors have always looked to super-size the charges and the sentences. Garland’s first memorandum should end this practice.
Garland instructs federal prosecutors to take proportionality into consideration. In other words, the charges and the sentence should be proportional to the defendant’s conduct. This is something that the DOJ had been moving away from, especially with respect to charges that carry a mandatory-minimum sentence. This resulted in relatively low level participants in a crime or fraud getting hammered with long prison sentences. Now, prosecutors have been advised to move away from charging crimes with mandatory minimums. Garland has also instructed prosecutors to consider downward departures if the sentencing guidelines would impose a particularly harsh sentence.
An End to Coercive Plea Deals
According to the Pew Research Center, more than 90% of federal defendants plead guilty rather than go to trial. While 8% were fortunate to have their charges dismissed, the remaining 2% who decided to go to trial were convicted. Only 320 criminal defendants who went to trial in 2018 were acquitted. With those numbers, it is not surprising that so many defendants choose to plead guilty. Garland has made note of this and instructed federal prosecutors to not use the threat of additional charges to coerce a plea. Hopefully, this will lead to more defendants exercising their constitutional right to a trial as it should lessen the trial penalty. It should also allow defendants to have more leverage in negotiating a plea deal that is more proportional to the defendant’s actual conduct.
The Disparity in Sentencing for Crack and Powder Cocaine
The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 created a five-year mandatory minimum sentence for possession of five grams of crack cocaine. Meanwhile, an individual would have to possess 500 grams of powder cocaine in order to trigger the five-year mandatory minimum. The result has been a disproportionate number BIPOC people in federal prisons. Crack is more common in that population than powder cocaine, which is more common in white, affluent communities. Science does not support his distinction. Nevertheless Congress put them in place to address the hysteria surrounding crack. The Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 changed the proportion to 18:1, but this is still leading to a disparate impact on poor and minority populations.
While Congress has dithered over the EQUAL Act, which would eliminate the distinction and the mandatory minimum altogether, Garland has taken matters into his own hands. In his second memorandum, he instructs his federal prosecutors to steer clear of charges with mandatory minimums in drug cases. This also applies to plea deals and sentencing: “For example, a prosecutor could ask the grand jury to supersede the indictment with charges that do not carry mandatory minimum sentences; a defendant could plead guilty to a lesser included offense that does not carry the mandatory minimum; or a defendant could waive indictment and plead guilty an information that does not charge the quantity necessary to trigger the mandatory minimum.”
A Brighter Future Tempered by a Political Reality
Hopefully, the federal prosecutors across the country will take note of Merrick Garland’s two memoranda. If so, we could see a number of positive developments. First, we will probably see a reduction in the racial and economic disparity seen in federal drug prosecutions and incarcerations. Second, we could see an end to the practice of threatening charges in order to coerce plea deals. Finally, we may see a federal criminal justice system that seems less arbitrary and capricious.
This hope for a brighter future does have a limitation. There is the chance that a number of AUSAs around the nation may choose to ignore the guidelines set forth by Garland. Bureaucratic pushback is always an issue with the federal government. This may be the case in so-called “red” states.
In addition, the next Attorney General could supersede the reforms contained in Garland’s memoranda. Just as Garland ended a number of practices adopted under Barr, so could a Republican Attorney General go back on the reforms enacted by Garland. Still, these radical reforms created by Garland are a step in the right direction.
Jeff lost his wife, house, law practice, law license and even his freedom when he hit rock bottom after more than a decade of prescription opioid addiction. But his road to recovery led to a path filled with redemption and a future he could never have imagined.
Jeffrey D. Grant, Esq…After an addiction to prescription opioids and serving almost 14 months in Federal prison (2006 – 07) for a white collar crime he committed in 2001 when he was a lawyer, Jeff Grant started his own reentry. He earned a Master of Divinity from Union Theological Seminary in the City of New York, majoring in Social Ethics. After graduating, Jeff was called to serve at an inner city church in Bridgeport, CT as Associate Minister and Director of Prison Ministries. He then co-founded Progressive Prison Ministries, Inc. (Greenwich, CT), the world’s first ministry devoted to serving people prosecuted for white collar crimes and their families. In May 2021, Jeff’s law license was reinstated by the NY Supreme Court. In August 2022, Jeff celebrated 20 years of continuous sobriety.
Connect with Jeff…
• Grant Law Firm: Specializing in white collar crime prosecutions. Email | 212.859.3512 • White Collar Support Group: The world’s first support group devoted to those navigating the white-collar criminal justice system. Email • Life After White Collar Crime – as featured in the New Yorker • The Criminal Insider Podcast: with Babz Rawls Ivy and Jeff Grant is broadcast live at 9am ET on the first and third Friday of each month.
Credits:
Host: Kristine Bunch, Indiana exoneree and Outreach Coordinator for Interrogating Justice and How to Justice Producer: Tammy Alexander, creator and co-host of the Snow Files Podcast Announcer: Eric Brenner, actor and voice over artist
How to Justice is a non-profit group that seeks to raise up justice-impacted people. Its goal? Provide easy-to-read answers to your questions about your rights before, during and after prison.
Interrogating Justice is a nonprofit, nonpartisan think tank. Our team of attorneys, advocates and allies take on some of the biggest legal, social and ethical justice-reform issues today. Our goal is simple: help shed light on the obstacles preventing our justice system from being just.
Craig Stanland is a member of our White Collar Support Group that meets on Zoom on Monday evenings. On March 6, 2023, we will hold our 350th meeting – 7 years of community!
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I wrote this 7 years ago (2016); I was just released from the Brooklyn halfway house and was navigating the shame, uncertainty, and fear that shadowed me.
I was learning how to get back to myself and who I am. – Craig Stanland
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Having completed my twenty-four-month sentence in Federal prison, I’m at the beginning stages of supervised release.
Essentially probation in the federal system.
My supervised release will run for three years.
During this time, I will report to a probation officer.
As part of this process, I’m required to complete financial disclosure documents.
I understand why I must do this and accept responsibility for my actions.
I received the documents during my initial visit to the probation office.
I didn’t really look at them at the time.
When I got home, I decided to start working on them. Grabbing my pen, I turned the page and found myself staring into the past.
These were the same forms I was required to fill out before I was sentenced to prison.
I was immediately transported back in time to the day my attorney told me to fill out the form.
Fear and uncertainty shadowed my every step.
The dark cloud of prison looming over me. Moments of joy snuffed out like a candle in the wind.
Unaware of where I would be going, my safety was a perpetual concern. I feared that I had permanently destroyed my life and I would never recover.
Now, sitting in my apartment, as free as I’ve been in years, I’m consumed by the same feelings I had two years ago.
He specializes in working with high-achievers who’ve chased success, money, and status in their 1st half, only to find a success-sized hole in their lives.
He helps them unleash their full potential, break free from autopilot, draft a new life blueprint, and connect with their Life’s Mission so they can live extraordinary lives with purpose, meaning, and fulfillment. Connect with him here.
Jeff Krantz is a member of our White Collar Support Group that meets on Zoom on Monday evenings. On March 6, 2023, we will hold our 350th meeting – 7 years of community!
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Below is an excerpt from an email exchange between Jeff Grant and I discussing my blog submission for the 350th meeting. Below that is my original piece. – Jeff Krantz
Jeff Grant: “Experience, strength and hope. You discuss the experience, but you never get to the strength and hope parts. These 350th meeting reflections have to show people how we help people navigate their issues. You have a better story that can help people.”
Jeff Krantz: “Every morning that I open my eyes and get out of bed is an exercise in hope and strength.”
The thing that I’m fairly certain that distinguishes my white collar prosecution from everyone else within our group and almost certainly in the realm of white collar prosecutions universally is that I was tacitly and ultimately explicitly being held responsible for the crash of a military helicopter and the death of two service people. Of course, were this true, I would be writing to you from your local supermax.
It’s this absurdity that has ruined my life. It is also painful in a way that is different than the ways we are used to hearing about in the normal course of sharing in our group. Because people’s deaths are attached to my experience, I have not spoken about it up until now. The eternal twilight of this single event is that I carry with me always, like Jacob Marley’s chains, the echos of guilt for a crime, the worst possible crime, for which I’m not guilty nor is it the one they could hang on me so they made one up that they could . How do you begin speak about that? Nonetheless, for ten years I’ve gone about my life making progress, in a manner; overcoming setbacks to a degree; taking joy where I can find it; and small solace in knowing the truth even when it doesn’t matter one whit.
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In 2012 , microcircuits that my company sold to a customer turned up in a tragic helicopter crash. The chips were never considered as the cause of the crash.We were investigated for three years for being suspected of having sold suspect counterfeit electronic components. The parts that we had sold had been documented as passing the highest levels of military testing, the gold standard at the time for detecting counterfeit parts; nonetheless the government proceeded with charging me.
Below is a meditation on the absurdity of my prosecution.
It had been thought by some, in isolated pockets of the government, that I bore an ancillary responsibility for the crash of a military helicopter in 2011 causing the death of two active duty service people. The facts of the matter were clear with regard to the cause of the tragedy which had been thoroughly documented in the ensuing investigation as being attributable to a failure of the ship’s FADEC, The Full Authority Digital Engine Control, which functions exactly as the name implies, a mechanical piece of technology that manages engine function, taking control out of the hands of the pilot,making thousands of minute adjustments per second based upon readings taken from sensors, located throughout the ship and inflowing environmental data.
The apparatus in question was manufactured by what would come to be known in legal documents and public filings only as “the Connecticut Company”. Once I was charged the narrative entered the public domain therefore preventing the name of the responsible entity into the public record to protect its reputation from being associated with a criminal investigation when not having been formally charged. In fact the entity, the Badpoor Company, who had previously bore responsibility in another instance of a failed FADEC, also resulting in loss of life, was the manufacturer, and in both cases resulted in the levying of substantial civil penalties against the corporation but no criminal charges whatsoever.
The imperative to determine a source of prosecutable responsibility, other than the one that had universally and conclusively been determined to be at fault, demanded a stretching of the facts beyond what could reasonably be considered the viable elasticity of the truth. Those with a vested interest in the matter, however, were untroubled by their roles in heedlessly defying the fundamental guidelines in determining criminality and intent for the sake of their own closely held motivations of pursuing my prosecution.A fruitless three year endeavor with the ostensible objective of bringing to justice for a crime that did not occur, but that seemed to need someone to pay the price. I was the available if unlikely candidate chosen for the sole purpose of a civilized public pillorying and having his life ruined.
The cadre of government prosecutors, investigators, witnesses, and assorted silent bystanders, all of whom either directly or peripherally engaged in my prosecution, had no motivation or interest in upholding the truth or the law, both of which could be recognized with the luminosity of a high visibility jumpsuit lit by headlights in the middle of a nighttime highway. There was barely enough stretch left in the fabric of their convictions to ensure that their balls didn’t drop out from the sides or that their asses remained covered, while I took the fall for everything, with a single plea of wire fraud, allowing for the resolution blithely accepted by, investigators, prosecutors and managers straight up the line even the judges, all content to disregard the flagrant absurdity of my lone criminal count, to claim victory.
Throughout my prosecution the true tragedy of the helicopter is never referenced and for which neither the investigation, nor the presiding Magistrate could find a convincing crime that I was either responsible for, or that I could allocute to, despite the hours long negotiations between myself, my attorneys and the line AUSAs prosecuting my case. The end result was to fabricate a seemingly viable criminal act for me to plea to that would fulfill their ambitions and bring the whole fucking ordeal to a close.
What I couldn’t perceive from that vantage point, but one that became visible once my vista had been raised high enough, was to clearly see the catastrophe that my life had become was never going to resolve. In defiance of the most basic laws of physics, the ripples emanating out from the pebble cast into the relative tranquility that had been a self satisfied existence of school auctions, two star restaurants and luxury holidays with friends, were now growing to tidal proportions the further out they receded from the event horizon of the stone’s drop, ameliorating the generative event’s relevance until it no longer mattered leaving only the all encompassing waves to pull me under.
Unseen by me, the Magistrate ultimately gave way to the desperate ministrations of my lawyers who were acting reluctantly, upon my instructions, to compel her to accept the fabricated conceit that was agreed upon by all parties. A fatalistic recognition that whatever we came away with would be nothing that anybody wanted and the best that anyone was going to get. For me in particular, whatever deal I was able to cut all other options would be worse than the one that I would ultimately be confronting, at least that was how it had appeared to me waiting outside of the courtroom. It was as though Joseph K from Kafka’s “Trial” had entered through the wrong end of the looking glass, insistent upon remaining in the courthouse prostrate before the judge to willingly plead guilty to the unknown crime and take the consequence, despite his innocence, and the judge refusing to to accept his ministrations insisting he should leave the courthouse to face the consequences of his freedom.
Peter Tomasek is a friend of our ministry and is the Editor-in-Chief for Interrogating Justice. He was the October speaker in our White Collar Week Tuesday Speaker Series.
On Sunday, Nov. 13, 2022, a federal prisoner at the minimum-security satellite camp at USP Tucson tried to murder his wife in the camp’s visiting room. Thankfully, the pistol Jaime had didn’t go off any of the times he pulled the trigger. Jaime apparently used the wrong bullet (.25 caliber ammo in a .22 pistol). Instead of killing Ismaela, his wife, the bullets fell to the floor.
The day after the attempted shooting, on Nov. 14, 2022, the Associated Press published this story on the incident, describing what happened after the attempted shooting as follows: “Officials said the inmate was restrained and the firearm was seized.” And the day after that, on Nov. 15, 2022, the AP published this follow-up report that provided the public with the first inside perspective on what happened two days earlier. As is almost always the case, that inside perspective came exclusively from the Bureau of Prisons.
Collette Peters, the BOP’s new Director, told the AP that it “was a ‘terrifying incident to have had happened.’ ” But, the AP’s initial story said, “Peters has vowed to bring new transparency to an agency that has long been a haven of secrecy and coverups.”
It’s now been more than three months since the BOP narrowly avoided having a room filled with women, children, a senior and a few minimum security “campers” watch as a husband executed his wife. How has the new BOP Director’s transparency vow held up over the past 102 days? If you ask the people who were in that visiting room or just outside of it on that terrifying Sunday morning, the answer is a clear one: Not good. Not good at all.
The BOP’s camps aren’t like the prisons you see on TV. There are “no bars” and “no barbed wire.” And when it comes to security, everything is “lax.”
Most of the people reading this probably haven’t been to one of the BOP’s minimum-security satellite camps. So, when I talk about a prison, you’re imagining something like in The Shawshank Redemption. That’s not what these camps are like.
As one woman who regularly visited the satellite camp at USP Tucson told me, it’s more like “a dorm room.” “There’s no bars, no barbed wire,” she said. “It really is time out for old men. It doesn’t look like a prison.”
And when it comes to visitation, another person who served time in another camp told me, the BOP is “pretty lax.” He said that his loved one “could have passed [him] anything” and “could have easily slipped [him] a weapon, a knife, a gun” when she visited. BOP staff, he said, “would have had no clue.”
In fact, at his camp, some of the BOP staff didn’t even bother searching the campers. “We were supposed to be totally strip searched going in … you have to bend over, spread your … the whole deal, and then you get dressed, and they let you do your visit. And then when you’re done with your visit, they’re supposed to do it again,” he explained. But it rarely happened.
Things were no different at USP Tucson. According to one camper, some campers got light pat-downs; others got no pat-down at all. And according to the loved ones I spoke with who visited regularly, there’s no security at all for them. “Through the security, I’ve never been checked. I’ve never been searched. There’s not metal detectors,” one woman told me. “It’s like a hospital lobby, I guess is the best way to put it.”
On Nov. 13, 2022, an adequate pat-down might have made all the difference.
Visitors at USP Tucson’s camp on Nov. 13, 2022, went from trying to decide whether to sit inside or on the patio to running for their lives in a matter of seconds.
Considering how “lax” these security protocols are, it’s not particularly surprising that someone could end up with a gun pointed at their head during a visit. What is surprising, though, is how ill equipped a federal agency that costs taxpayers around $8 billion per year was to deal with it.
According to those in the visiting room on Nov. 13, 2022, Jaime came in and met with Ismaela privately before their two teenage kids were supposed to join them. During their conversation, Jaime got up and went to the restroom. As he exited the restroom and his kids signed the check-in list in the waiting area, all hell broke lose.
Jaime pulled a .22 pistol from his waistband and walked up to his wife. The BOP staff did nothing. Jaime raised the gun and pointed it directly at Ismaela’s head. The BOP staff did nothing. Ismaela begged for her life. Their kids begged for help. The other visitors and campers screamed for help and ran for their lives. Still, the BOP staff did nothing.
Over the course of the next few minutes, Jaime, who had at least one other clip and a suicide note with him that day, pulled the trigger. Then he pulled it again. And again. And again. Luckily, the bullets fell to the ground.
With a gun pointed at her head, at her chest and in her side during the altercation, Ismaela fought for her life. She pushed and shoved Jaime the best that she could. She tried to crawl toward a door every chance she had. And she begged and begged and begged for help. The BOP staff member in the room, referred to as “Officer Rancinos” by the people I talked to, ran out of the room, closed the door and literally looked the other way.
As Jaime began striking his wife with the pistol and his fists, BOP staff waited outside the room, telling the kids that there was nothing they could do.
As the struggle continued, Jaime briefly gave up on shooting his wife and began beating her with the gun and his fists instead. Their son and daughter begged BOP staff over and over again to go into the room and do something. Still, BOP staff did nothing. One person I talked to said that most of the officers actually left the building entirely until backup arrived.
Ismaela and Jaime’s teenage son tried to come in the room to save his mom. Jaime pointed the gun at him instead and told him to leave: “Get the fuck out of here!”
As she watched her son flee for his own safety, Ismaela kept begging and begging for someone to come help. As Jaime had her down on the floor with the gun to her head once again, she begged him to let her live. “Forgive me, Jaime. Forgive me. Please don’t do this, Jaime. Please don’t do this in front of my kids. Don’t do this in front of the kids. Please don’t kill me in front of them. Please don’t do it.”
One of the other women there that I spoke with got emotional as she told me about Ismaela’s screams. “Everything seemed fine, and then … there were some sounds coming from inside [the visiting room], and I don’t know how to describe it, but when you hear something and you think, ugh, that’s … that’s not right, that doesn’t sound right,” she told me. “You could hear this woman’s … scream that I will never forget.”
The officers stayed outside. But one man, another camper who was in the room to photograph the campers and their loved ones that day, had the courage to do something.
The camp photographer risked his life to save Ismaela, her kids and likely others inside the visiting room while BOP staff did almost nothing.
Jaime’s wife might be dead today if it wasn’t for the camp photographer. As time passed, Ismaela and Jaime’s kids were still pleading with BOP staff to do something to save their mom. “Please save my mom … help her,” their teenage son begged the officer closest to the door.
The photographer, who witnesses primarily referred to as “Vargas,” heard Ismaela’s screams from inside the room as well as the children’s pleas and couldn’t simply stand there and wait. So Vargas said “Fuck it!” and went in.
He ran in the room, tackled Jaime to the floor and tried to hold him off of Ismaela as best he could. Jaime put the gun to Vargas’s head as the struggle ensued. But together, Ismaela and Vargas were able to pry the gun out of Jaime’s hands and kick it across the floor.
To his credit, after Ismaela and Vargas were able to kick the gun away, another officer came in and picked it up. That was more help than Ismaela and Vargas got from Officer Racinos, who witnesses said practically froze before running out of the room. According to multiple people that I spoke with, Officer Racinos may have called for backup and managed to press the “deuces,” i.e., facility’s version of a panic button. But as soon as the visiting room’s doors opened, he was the first one out the door.
After Ismaela and Vargas disarmed Jaime, Vargas found himself on the end of the officers’ loaded AR-15s and handguns. Thankfully, the officer who picked up Jaime’s gun made sure his colleagues knew Vargas was “good.” The guns were then lowered.
One of the witnesses I spoke to said that when “backup” finally arrived, they were “ready for war.” By that point, though, Ismaela (with Vargas’s help) had already saved herself.
BOP staff eventually got Ismaela away from Jaime and out of the visiting room. Then they handcuffed her and her daughter and interrogated them.
Incredibly, Ismaela’s suffering didn’t end after the attack. BOP staff eventually took her out to the parking lot. But they didn’t let her leave or provide any medical treatment for her injuries. Instead, they handcuffed her and her crying daughter and accused them of giving Jaime the gun he used to try to kill them. BOP staff wanted to handcuff her son, too. But his mom pleaded with the officers not to because he is a minor and had fainted.
The other visitors stuck in the parking lot were eventually allowed to comfort the traumatized family. The AP’s initial reporting stated that “no one was injured.” But one witness I spoke with told me that Ismaela’s face was injured and “bloody.” Numerous witnesses confirmed that the son fainted. Yet BOP staff did nothing to help. Instead, it was another one of the visitors who went to get a bottle of water out of her car for them.
BOP staff was, however, courteous enough to ask if any of them had been shot. But they couldn’t even ask that question in a humane way. The guard asked us “if we had any holes in us,” one woman told me. “That was a weird question.”
Eventually, two buses arrived. BOP staff loaded the campers, approximately 90 men who had been handcuffed behind their back with zip ties on the ground in the hot Arizona sun for more than an hour, and took them to one of two final destinations: a cell in the maximum-security facility at USP Tucson or, for the campers in or near the visiting room that Sunday, solitary confinement (aka the SHU). And, for most of them, that’s where they’ve been ever since.
Officer Racinos got paid time off for the “stress” he endured. The hero, the victim and the witnesses got nothing — and, sometimes, worse than nothing.
Unlike Jaime’s wife, her children and the photographer who risked his life to help, Officer Racinos, the officer who ran out of the room and did practically nothing, has been receiving nonstop help from the BOP since that day. He immediately enjoyed paid time off for the “stress” he endured during the incident. And he hasn’t faced any accountability for his actions (or lack thereof). Neither has anyone else with the BOP.
Warden Gutierrez and Camp Administrator Chaffey haven’t faced any accountability either. The closest thing to accountability for these two was a decision from the BOP at either the regional or national level to thwart their efforts to have these campers scattered in facilities all over the country and away from their loved ones.
A lot of the people I talked to think that’s why Warden Gutierrez and Camp Administrator Chaffey have kept the men in the maximum-security facility for months on end: the embarrassment they suffered for allowing something like this to happen at their camp and not getting their way afterward.
The campers, on the other hand, have spent more than three months in USP Tucson’s maximum-security cells or, even worse, the SHU. They haven’t received any help. Their loved ones, including the woman who was almost murdered and her children, haven’t received any help either (aside from, I guess, being asked if they “had any holes”). BOP staff couldn’t even manage a phone call.
If anything, the campers have been punished. These punishments have came in a variety of forms, ranging from temporarily cutting off communication to the outside world to feeding them food that’s been sitting out for too long.
Communication
Perhaps the most meaningful example of the punishment the campers who witnessed the incident have received involves communication. At first, BOP staff promised the campers and their loved ones that they’d be able to talk to each other to make sure they were okay later that day on Nov. 13, 2022. As it turns out, the BOP didn’t let the men call or email their wives or children for multiple weeks after this took place. And when their wives called the facility themselves, the message they got was as sarcastic as it was useless: “He’s still in the state, so that’s good news for you.”
In a similar bait-and-switch fashion, the BOP also allowed the men to write letters to their loved ones shortly after the incident. But the letters were never sent and were eventually returned. According to one person I spoke with, most officers legitimately believed they were going to allow the letters to be mailed. But, this person said, Administrator Chaffey refused to provide stamps.
Christmas Bags
Maybe a better example involves comparing their treatment to the treatment of the maximum-security detainees assigned to the same facility. On Christmas, people in BOP custody usually receive bags with, as one person described them to me, “candy, junk food, different things in there.” In 2022, however, those bags only went to the maximum-security detainees at USP Tucson, not the men from the satellite camp.
In the scheme of things, the men and their loved ones don’t really care about the candy or junk food. But the disparity in who received those bags was a tangible reminder about how much better the maximum-security detainees have been treated than the minimum-security ones who don’t even belong in that facility. Whether it’s the quality of food they receive or the time they get outside of their cells, it’s the campers, not their maximum-security counterparts, who are punished most.
Clothing and Shoes
The punishment extended all the way to the men’s clothes and shoes. Two of the men I’ve seen messages from complained that their belongings — their clothes, their shoes and even things like wedding rings, books and commissary food — were thrown out. They’ve been stuck in shower sandals for 100 days straight even though they were only permitted a shower or two (or eventually three) per week for the first month.
Old, Stale Food
Then there is access to commissary. The campers have finally been allowed some access to commissary to buy things like medicine and shampoo. But multiple people told me that they’re not allowed to purchase food from commissary. This is especially troubling for these men because they aren’t able to eat on a regular basis.
One woman told me about her loved one regularly having to choose between not eating and eating old, stale food because of how late the meals come to the campers. Another told me that the best thing her loved one has eaten in three months was a stale peanut butter and jelly sandwich. After all, she said, it beats (possibly spoiled) bologna.
Another person I spoke with told me that the BOP has refused to accommodate food allergies for these men since the move. Because peanut butter and jelly sandwiches apparently remain a go-to meal for the campers in the maximum-security facility, this means those with peanut allergies simply cannot eat.
Several of the wives and family members I spoke with also expressed concern over the health and safety of their loved ones inside. Many of the men have lost a significant amount of weight since they were moved from the camp. Some have lost as much as 40 pounds.
Additionally, unlike minimum-security satellite camps, maximum-security prisons can be, frankly, dangerous. While these men are used to the ordinarily liberal protocols common at minimum-security satellite camps, they’re now becoming more familiar with facility-wide lockdowns because of violence between detainees, intentional damage to plumbing and more at maximum-security facilities like USP Tucson.
Sunlight
Maybe the clearest example of the punishment is the simplest one to describe: None of these men have been outside since Nov. 13, 2022. None of them. Not for even an hour.
Retaliation
All of the people I spoke with also have the same level of fear. Everyone is scared that they or their loved ones will be punished for talking. They’ve tried reaching out to major news outlets. But none have been willing to expand on the original BOP-friendly version of events already out there. Jaime’s wife even publicly commented on this story in Forbes. No one reached out.
As more efforts are made to tell their story, the fears the campers and their loved ones have are materializing. One woman I spoke with told me that she heard that the BOP had already moved someone back to the SHU “because they [Warden Gutierrez and Administrator Chaffey] found out what he was doing.” Obviously, this is only a rumor. But the rumor itself has scared others into silence.
Unable to find anyone willing to listen in the media, some loved ones and campers turned to elected officials. Multiple people I spoke with reached out to elected officials in Arizona and around the country, including some with credibility when it comes to criminal justice and prison reform. Some said they’d need someone else to cover the story first. Others didn’t respond. And one couldn’t do anything without the woman’s name (and, absurdly, her social security number).
Ultimately, most of the people I spoke with didn’t want me to use their name. The ones that were okay with it didn’t want people to know I talked to them. For the most part, I obliged. The reality is that everyone I’ve spoken to could have been killed on Nov. 13, 2022. Sheer dumb luck, a brave wife and a camp photographer saved countless lives. The least I can do is honor their anonymity wishes.
Three months later, the BOP has Jaime in a medium-security facility while the other campers are stuck in a maximum-security one.
Unbelievably, Jaime made out better than the people he might have killed. As of the date of this story, Jaime is detained in a medium-security facility. Most of the campers he could have killed, on the other hand, are still in a maximum-security facility or, even worse, the SHU.
One camper, luckily, is not: the camp photographer. Originally, the BOP put him in the SHU with the rest of the campers who were in the visiting room on Nov. 13, 2022. Eventually, he, like the others, moved to regular maximum-security cells where most of them have stayed for three and a half months with no end in sight. Last week, though, the camp photographer was released to home confinement.
Housing someone who managed to gain access to a gun and bullets and used them to try to shoot his wife in a less secure facility than the people he could have shot might seem backwards. But it’s ordinary business for the BOP. As the AP indicated in its initial article on this incident, “[t]he Bureau of Prisons has been plagued by chronic mismanagement, misconduct and a severe staffing crisis.”
Yet when it comes to oversight, accountability for the BOP is virtually impossible to find. Take the First Step Act’s Time Credits Program as an example. The BOP completely botched the phase-in period and has been playing catch up ever since. Yet pushback from federal courts is almost nonexistent. This lack of accountability has led to organizations like FAMM calling on Congress to implement independent oversight over the troubled agency.
According to the agency’s website, the BOP “is an excellent steward of public funds.” Why can’t $8 billion a year do a little better than this?
The craziest thing about this entire situation is how lucky everyone was. Jaime could have killed his wife. And everyone else in or near that visiting room. I have no idea if that was his plan. But it could have been. But a little sheer dumb luck, a strong mom and a brave camper, not the BOP, stopped him.
Yet that’s not even close to the story the BOP told us despite, to use the AP’s phrasing, the agency’s “vow[] to bring new transparency to an agency that has long been a haven of secrecy and coverups.” Instead, thanks in part to the AP’s insistence on using the passive voice in situations like this, we were told an unremarkable story with no credit and no blame: “Officials said the inmate was restrained after the incident and the firearm was seized.”
The BOP’s budget was a whopping “$7,849.4 million” in 2022. (If you’re thinking that referring to $7.8 billion as “$7,800 million” seems weird, you’re not alone.) For 2023, the BOP asked for a $327.7 million raise, bumping that final number up to just over $8.1 billion or, as the BOP puts it, “$8,177.1 million” for the year. That’s a lot.
Perhaps some of that $8.1 billion can go toward camper and visitor security. That way, the next time this happens, there’s a better procedure in place than counting on sheer dumb luck or hoping the victim and a camper can save the day. Perhaps some of that $8.1 billion can also go to Ismaela and her children, all of whom continue to suffer as a result of what the BOP allowed to happen that Sunday morning back in November.
About the Author
Peter J. Tomasek is an attorney and writer for Interrogating Justice, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization that aims to help more Americans understand how the justice system is falling short through legal analyses and investigative reporting by attorneys, advocates and allies. Peter’s work focuses on holding governmental actors, including the Bureau of Prisons, judges, prosecutors and law enforcement, accountable. You can read his most recent work on the BOP’s implementation of the First Step Act Time Credits Program here. You can reach Peter at [email protected].
Following an extensive, nationwide recruitment effort, Christopher Poulos was appointed the Executive Director of the Center for Justice and Human Dignity (CJHD) , effective February 1, 2023. Chris is an attorney and former senior government executive who brings a wealth of personal and professional passion and expertise to this pivotal role. His path led him from trauma, addiction, and incarceration to graduating from college and law school and serving at both the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy and The Sentencing Project.
After attaining licensure in state and federal court, Chris served as Executive Director of the Washington Statewide Reentry Council and, most recently, as Director of Person-Centered Services at the Washington State Department of Corrections. His position at the Washington State Department of Corrections was unique in that it was the first of its kind and the first time a formerly incarcerated person has held a senior executive role in a state department of corrections.
Chris’s work and personal story have been featured on The Today Show and in The Guardian, The New York Times, Washington Post, NBC News, The Hill, Crosscut, The Epoch Times and The Harvard Law and Policy Review. Chris was selected as one of Portland Magazine’s “Most Intriguing People” and as “Law Student of the Year” by National Jurist Magazine.